It Is Easy To Be Wise
After The Event, But It Appears Now That The Only Course That Could
Commend Itself Would Be To Extricate The Troops From Their
Position, And Then, If Thought Feasible, To Plan An Attack.
Instead
of this a rush was made at the hillside, and the infantry made
their way some distance up it only to find that there were positive
ledges in front of them which could not be climbed.
The advance was
at a dead stop, and the men lay down under the boulders for cover
from the hot fire which came from inaccessible marksmen above them.
Meanwhile the artillery had opened behind them, and their fire (not
for the first time in this campaign) was more deadly to their
friends than to their foes. At least one prominent officer fell
among his men, torn by British shrapnel bullets. Talana Hill and
Modder River have shown also, though perhaps in a less tragic
degree, that what with the long range of modern artillery fire, and
what with the difficulty of locating infantry who are using
smokeless powder, it is necessary that officers commanding
batteries should be provided with the coolest heads and the most
powerful glasses of any men in the service, for a responsibility
which will become more and more terrific rests upon their judgment.
The question now, since the assault had failed, was how to
extricate the men from their position. Many withdrew down the hill,
running the gauntlet of the enemy's fire as they emerged from the
boulders on to the open ground, while others clung to their
positions, some from a soldierly hope that victory might finally
incline to them, others because it was clearly safer to lie among
the rocks than to cross the bullet-swept spaces beyond. Those
portions of the force who extricated themselves do not appear to
have realised how many of their comrades had remained behind, and
so as the gap gradually increased between the men who were
stationary and the men who fell back all hope of the two bodies
reuniting became impossible. All the infantry who remained upon the
hillside were captured. The rest rallied at a point fifteen hundred
yards from the scene of the surprise, and began an orderly retreat
to Molteno.
In the meanwhile three powerful Boer guns upon the ridge had opened
fire with great accuracy, but fortunately with defective shells.
Had the enemy's contractors been as trustworthy as their gunners in
this campaign, our losses would have been very much heavier, and it
is possible that here we catch a glimpse of some consequences of
that corruption which was one of the curses of the country. The
guns were moved with great smartness along the ridge, and opened
fire again and again, but never with great result. Our own
batteries, the 74th and 77th, with our handful of mounted men,
worked hard in covering the retreat and holding back the enemy's
pursuit.
It is a sad subject to discuss, but it is the one instance in a
campaign containing many reverses which amounts to demoralisation
among the troops engaged. The Guards marching with the steadiness
of Hyde Park off the field of Magersfontein, or the men of
Nicholson's Nek chafing because they were not led in a last
hopeless charge, are, even in defeat, object lessons of military
virtue. But here fatigue and sleeplessness had taken all fire and
spirit out of the men. They dropped asleep by the roadside and had
to be prodded up by their exhausted officers. Many were taken
prisoners in their slumber by the enemy who gleaned behind them.
Units broke into small straggling bodies, and it was a sorry and
bedraggled force which about ten o'clock came wandering into
Molteno. The place of honour in the rear was kept throughout by the
Irish Rifles, who preserved some military formation to the end. Our
losses in killed and wounded were not severe - military honour would
have been less sore had they been more so. Twenty-six killed,
sixty-eight wounded - that is all. But between the men on the
hillside and the somnambulists of the column, six hundred, about
equally divided between the Irish Rifles and the Northumberland
Fusiliers, had been left as prisoners. Two guns, too, had been lost
in the hurried retreat.
It is not for the historian - especially for a civilian
historian - to say a word unnecessarily to aggravate the pain of
that brave man who, having done all that personal courage could do,
was seen afterwards sobbing on the table of the waiting-room at
Molteno, and bewailing his 'poor men.' He had a disaster, but
Nelson had one at Teneriffe and Napoleon at Acre, and built their
great reputations in spite of it. But the one good thing of a
disaster is that by examining it we may learn to do better in the
future, and so it would indeed be a perilous thing if we agreed
that our reverses were not a fit subject for open and frank
discussion.
It is not to the detriment of an enterprise that it should be
daring and call for considerable physical effort on the part of
those who are engaged in it. On the contrary, the conception of
such plans is one of the signs of a great military mind. But in the
arranging of the details the same military mind should assiduously
occupy itself in foreseeing and preventing every unnecessary thing
which may make the execution of such a plan more difficult. The
idea of a swift sudden attack upon Stormberg was excellent - the
details of the operation are continually open to criticism.
How far the Boers suffered at Stormberg is unknown to us, but there
seems in this instance no reason to doubt their own statement that
their losses were very slight. At no time was any body of them
exposed to our fire, while we, as usual, fought in the open. Their
numbers were probably less than ours, and the quality of their
shooting and want of energy in pursuit make the defeat the more
galling.
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