From
This It Appears To Me That It Would Be Infinitely More Glorious For Your
Nation, As For Mine, To
Mould for society the inhabitants of the
respective countries over whom they have rights, instead of wishing to
dispossess those
Who are so far removed by immediately seizing the soil
which they own and which has given them birth. These remarks are no doubt
impolitic, but at least reasonable from the facts; and had this principle
been generally adopted you would not have been obliged to form a colony
by means of men branded by the law, and who have become criminals through
the fault of the Government which has neglected and abandoned them to
themselves. It follows, therefore, that not only have you to reproach
yourselves with an injustice in seizing their lands, but also in
transporting on a soil where the crimes and the diseases of Europeans
were unknown, all that could retard the progress of civilisation, but
which has served as a pretext to your Government. I have no knowledge of
the claims which the French Government may have upon Van Diemen's Land,
nor of its designs; but I think that its title will not be any better
grounded than yours."
After this taste of Baudin's reflections, it is really a pity that we
possess so little from his pen. Had he lived to be the historian of the
expedition, his work would have been very different in character from
that of Peron; though it is hardly likely that an elaboration of the
views expressed in the personal letter to King would have been favoured
with the imprint "de l'Imprimerie Imperiale." Peron's anthropological
studies among Australian aboriginals led him to conclusions totally at
variance with the nebulous "state of nature" theories of the time, which
pictured the civilised being as a degenerate from man unspoiled by law,
government, and convention. The tests and measurements of blacks which he
made, and compared with those of French and English people, showed him
that even physically the native was an inferior animal; his observations
of ways of life in the wild Bush taught him that organised society, with
all its restraints, was preferable to the supposed freedom of savagery;
and he deduced the philosophical conclusion that the "state of nature"
was in truth a state of subjection to pitiless forces, only endurable by
beings who felt not the bondage because they knew of no more ennobled
condition.* (* A more distinguished man was cured of his early
Rousseauism by an acquaintance with peoples far higher in the scale of
advancement than Australian aboriginals. "Up to sixteen years of age,"
said Napoleon in a scrap of conversation recorded by Roederer, "I would
have fought for Rousseau against all the friends of Voltaire. Now it is
the contrary. I have been especially disgusted with Rousseau since I have
seen the East. Savage man is a dog.") Baudin carried away from his visits
to the abodes of untutored races no truer notion than came from his own
unsubstantiated sentiments, nourished by no contact with facts, but
imbibed uncritically from the rhetorical rhapsodists of Rousseau's
school.
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