The confidence
of the Governor in the people - it would be looked upon as
a proof of the strength and vigour of the British constitution,
instead of weakness in those that administer the laws under
its guidance.
That His Excellency could well afford to be generous.
That, in asking for an amnesty, we were aware it was asking
for much, and what a statesman should not do without due
deliberation. But at the same time, we submitted we did
not ask anything inconsistent with the true interests of
the colony, or derogatory to the dignity and honour of
the throne itself.
That a general amnesty to the state prisoners would tend
much to consolidate the power of the British government
in this colony, and show that the representative of Majesty
here can afford to be just - to be generous; with the full
confidence that such an act would meet with the full
concurrence of the Queen of England, and the approbation
of the whole British empire. That in this he would act
wiser far in listening to the voice of the people than
to the short-sighted counsel of the law-advisers of the
Crown. Humanity has higher claims than the mere demands
and formalities of human law.
We forbear saying all that might be said as to the spies
being sent from the Camp to enrol themselves amongst the
insurgents, and who, report says, urged them to attack
the Camp, which was repudiated by the diggers - they
saying they would act upon the defensive.
That we believed the enforcement of the law in this case
would have the most pernicious effect, not only upon the
commerce of the colony, but would retard, if not prevent,
the accomplishment of those schemes of reform that His
Excellency had promised.
That if he valued the good opinions of the people - the
peace and prosperity of the colony, he would be giving
the best evidence of it by granting the amnesty we prayed
for; but that, if His Excellency punished these men, it
would be calling into existence an agitation which would,
we feared, end in civil commotion, if not in the disseverance
of the colony from the mother country.
That we thought there were reasons sufficiently important
to justify an amnesty, on the grounds of state policy alone.
But even supposing there were no legitimate grounds for
an amnesty, and that the government have been right in
all that they have done - which would be saying what facts
do not warrant - surely the slaughter of some fifty people
is blood enough to expiate far greater crimes than the
diggers of Ballaarat have been guilty of, without seeking
the lives of thirteen more victims. The government would
act wisely in not pursuing so suicidal a course.
His Excellency states, in his written reply, that the
diggers, notwithstanding his promise of inquiry into all
their grievances, had forestalled all inquiry.
On this head, we would wish to remark, that the fault
lies at the door of the government, in prostituting the
military, by making them tax collectors, and placing them
at the disposal of a few vain officials, who were not
over-stocked with brains, and ignorant of the functions
of constitutional government. But one fact they seemed
fully sensible of, viz.: That 'Othello' occupation would
indeed soon 'be gone,' and they were determined to 'crush
the scoundrels' who dared to question the policy, or even
justice, or a government keeping up such an expensive army
of La Trobian idlers as strut about in borrowed plumes
with all the insolence of office; who, in fact, have proved
themselves, with a few honourable exceptions, fit for
little else than bringing the colony into debt; creating
disaffection amongst the people, and stamping indelible
disgrace upon any government that would uphold the system
that tolerates them. One of these 'retiring' gentlemen
stated on the morning of the famed 'digger-hunt' of the
30th November, in reply to one of the refractory diggers:
"If you do not pay your licences, how are we to be supported
at the Camp?" and further, "There are some disaffected
scoundrels I am determine to arrest!" To crush! for what?
For daring to refuse to pay taxes except they had a voice
in the expending of them for the public weal; public taxes
are public property. Some of these 'gentlemanly' officials
made use of language on the occasion alluded to, that not
only gave evidence of considerable malignity, but of a
vulgarity that a gentleman would scorn to use; and we think
it not an unfair inference to draw from the foregoing facts,
that the digger-hunt of the 30th of November, and the cruel
slaughter of the 3rd December, were unmistakable acts of
petty official revenge; and, therefore, instead of the
diggers forestalling the Commission of Inquiry, appointed
by His Excellency, we advisedly say it was Commissioner
Rede and Co. who forestalled the inquiry by endeavouring
to crush the '500 scoundrels' he complained of - a scoundrel
in that gentleman's estimation seems to be one who thinks
that some 12 pounds per head per annum is rather too heavy
a tax for an Englishman to pay, especially if used in
supporting men so unfit for office as he has proved himself
to be. This gentleman was the arch-rioter of the 30th
November; in this we are confirmed (if confirmation of
well-known facts were needed) by the verdict of acquittal
of the so called 'Ballaarat Rioters,' partially on the
evidence of Mr. Rede himself.
In the latter part of His Excellency's reply, he very
properly lays it down as 'the duty of government to administer
equal justice to all;' which is no doubt the noblest principle
of the English constitution, and we certainly have no fears
for the peace of even colonial society, with all its supposed
discordant elements, so long as that principle is practically
carried out; but we are under well founded apprehension
if the reverse is to be the order of the day.
