He remained
several days, because the rajah was still afraid lest the zamorin might
return and get across the ford into the island of Cochin.
The zamorin was so crest-fallen by the great and repeated losses he had
sustained in this war from a mere handful of men, that he resolved to
retire into religions seclusion, that he might conciliate the favour of
his gods, and dismissed his allies and chiefs to act as they thought best.
His princes and nobles endeavoured to dissuade him from this resolution,
but he continued firm to his purpose, and went into the _torcul_ or
religious state of seclusion, accompanied by some of his chief bramins or
chaplains. Soon afterwards, his mother sent him word that great changes
had taken place in Calicut since his seclusion. That many of the
merchants had already deserted the place, and others were preparing to
follow. That the city was becoming ill provided with victuals, as those
who used to import them were afraid of the Christians. Yet she advised
him never to return to Calicut, unless he could do so with honour; and
that he should therefore continue in seclusion for a time, and afterwards
endeavour to recover his credit and reputation by victory, or lose all in
the attempt. On this message which greatly increased his discontent, the
zamorin sent for his brother, to whom he confided the government of his
dominions till such time as he should have completed his religious
austerities in seclusion.
On this strange resolution of the zamorin, the rajahs and nobles who had
joined him in the war departed to their own countries, most of which lay
on the coast. And being under great apprehensions that Pacheco might
reduce their dominions, they endeavoured to enter into treaties with him
for peace and concord; for which purpose they sent messages to Trimumpara,
requesting that he would act as mediator between them and Pacheco. The
rajah of Cochin was a prince of a mild and forgiving disposition; and
forgetting all the past injuries they had done him in these wars, he
undertook the office of mediation, and sent them safe conducts to come to
Cochin to make their peace. On their arrival, he accompanied them to wait
upon Pacheco, and even became their advocate with him to accept of their
proferred friendship, which he readily consented to at the desire of the
rajah. Some of these princes were unable to come personally, but sent
their ambassadors to solicit peace, which was accorded to all who asked
it. Several even of the great Moorish merchants of Calicut, that they
might quietly enjoy their trade, forsook that place and came to dwell in
Cochin, having previously secured the consent of Pacheco. Others of them
went to Cananor and Coulan, by which means the great trade which used to
be carried on at Calicut suddenly fell off.
Owing to the great resort of Moors to Cochin, in whom Pacheco could not
repose much confidence, and because, by the orders of Naubea Daring, the
paraws of Calicut frequently made excursions into the rivers, the captain-
general continued for a long while to defend the passage of the ford,
where he often fought with and did much injury to his enemies. He made
frequent incursions, likewise, into the island of Repelim, whence he
carried off cattle and other provisions, and often fought with his
enemies, always defeating them with much slaughter[10]. At length Elankol,
the lord of that island, wishing to put an end to the miseries of his
country, waited on Pacheco and entered into a treaty of friendship with
him, making him a present of a great quantity of pepper, which was
abundant in his country[11].
[1] This paragraph, enumerating the forces of the zamorin, is added to
the text of Castaneda from Astley, Vol. I. p. 56.
[2] The particular distribution of the force under Pacheco at this time
is thus enumerated in Astleys Collection: In the fort thirty-nine men;
in the ship left to defend Cochin twenty-five; in the caravel which
accompanied him in the expedition to Cambalan twenty-six; into one
boat twenty-three; and in the boat along with himself twenty-two;
making his whole effective force 135 men; seventy-one only of which
went along with him to defend the pass. - Astl. I. 56.
[3] A very short space before these are only stated as twenty; but the
numbers and names in the text seem much corrupted. - E.
[4] In a former note we have given a list of the names and circumstances
of the English ordnance near this period. In that list the saker is
described as a light cannon of only 5-1/2 pound ball, now looked upon
as one of very small importance; we may therefore conclude that the
other cannon used on the present occasion could hardly exceed
_falcouns_, or two-pounders. - E.
[5] Such is the unintelligible expression in Lichefilds translation. In
the account of this war compiled by the editor of Astleys Collection
from the Portuguese historians, the enemy are said to have lost in the
former part of this battle, twenty paraws sunk, 180 persons of note,
and above 1000 common men; while in the second attack, nineteen paraws
were sunk, sixty-two fled, and 360 men were slain. In this account, a
third naval engagement is mentioned, in which sixty-two paraws were
sunk, and sixty fled; after which 15,000 men were defeated by land,
and four towns were burnt by Pacheco. - Astl. I. 56.
[6] Castaneda tells a long ridiculous story at this place, of a ceremonial
defiance of the zamorin, not worth inserting. In Astley, I. 56. we are
told that the Moors of Cochin were detected about this time
communicating intelligence to the enemy, and that Trimumpara allowed
Pacheco to punish them.
