The Entrance Was Lengthways, And It
Could Be Moved About The Piece Of Timber, First Described, As On A Spindle,
And Could Be Hoisted Within Six Feet Of The Top.
Round this there was a
parapet, knee high, which was defended with upright bars of iron, sharpened
at the end.
Towards the top there was a ring, through which a rope was
fastened, by means of which they could raise and lower the engine at
pleasure. With this machine they attacked the enemy's vessels, sometimes on
their bow, and sometimes on their broadside. When they had grappled the
enemy with these iron spikes, if the ships happened to swing broadside to
broadside, then the Romans boarded them from all parts; but when they were
obliged to grapple them on the bow, they entered two and two, by the help
of this engine, the foremost defending the forepart, and those who followed
the flanks, keeping the boss of their bucklers level with the top of the
parapet."
From this description of the corvus, it is evident that it had two distinct
uses to serve: in the first place, to lay hold of and entangle the enemy's
ships; and, secondly, after it had accomplished this object, it served as a
means of entering the enemy's vessels, and also as a protection while the
boarding was taking place. With respect to the question, whether the
_harpagones_ or manus ferraeae; were the same with the _corvi_, it appears to
us that the former were of much older invention, as they certainly were
much more simple in their construction; and that, probably, the engineer
who invented the corvi, borrowed his idea of them from the harpagones, and
in fact incorporated the two machines in one engine. The harpagones were
undoubtedly grappling irons, but of such light construction that they could
be thrown by manual force; but they were of no other service; whereas the
corvi were worked by machinery, and served, as we have shown, not only to
grapple, but to assist and protect the boarders. We have been thus
particular in our account of the corvus, because it may fairly be regarded
as having essentially contributed to the establishment of the Roman naval
power over that of the Carthaginians.
After Duilius had made a trial of the efficacy of this machine, he sailed
in quest of the enemy. The Carthaginians, despising the Romans as totally
inexperienced in naval affairs, did not even take the trouble or precaution
to draw up their ships in line of battle, but trusting entirely to their
own superior skill, and to the greater lightness of their ships, they bore
down on the Romans in disorder. They, however, were induced, for a short
time, to slacken their advance at the sight of the corvi; but not giving
the Romans credit for any invention which could counterbalance their want
of skill, experience, and self-confidence, they again pushed forward and
attacked the Romans. They soon suffered, however, the consequences of their
rashness: the Romans, by means of their corvi, grappled their ships so
closely and steadily, that the fight resembled much more a land than a sea
battle; and thus feeling themselves, as it were, on their own element,
while their enemies seemed to themselves no longer to be fighting in ships,
the confidence of the former rose, while that of the latter fell, from the
same cause, and nearly in the same proportion. The result was, that the
Romans gained a complete victory. The loss of the Carthaginians is
variously related by the Roman writers: this is extraordinary, since they
must have had access to the best possible authority; the inscription of the
Columna Rostrata of Duilius, which is still preserved at Rome. According to
this inscription, Duilius fitted out a fleet in sixty days, defeated the
Carthaginians, commanded by Hannibal, at sea, took from them thirty ships,
with all their rigging, and the septireme which carried the admiral
himself; sunk thirty, and took several prisoners of distinction. When
Hannibal saw the Romans about to enter his septireme, he leaped into a
small boat and escaped.
A circumstance occurred during this engagement which clearly manifested the
ardour and perseverance, by means of which the Romans had already become
expert, not only in the management of their ships, but also in the use of
their corvi. It has already been noticed that the Carthaginians bore down
on them in disorder, each ship endeavouring to reach them as soon as
possible, without waiting for the rest: among the foremost was Hannibal.
After the defeat of this part of the fleet, the rest, amounting to 120,
having come up, endeavoured to avoid the fate of their companions by rowing
as quickly as possible round the Roman ships, so as not to allow them to
make use of the corvi. But the Romans proved themselves to be even more
expert seamen than their enemies; for, though their vessels were much
heavier, they worked them with so much ease, celerity, and skill, that they
presented the machines to the enemy on whatever side they approached them.
The vanquished Hannibal was disgraced by his country; whereas the
victorious Roman was honoured and rewarded by the senate, who were fully
sensible of all the advantages derived by a naval victory over the
Carthaginians. The high and distinguished honour of being attended, when he
returned from supper, with music and torches, which was granted for once
only to those who triumphed, was continued to Duilius during life. To
perpetuate the memory of this victory, medals were struck, and the pillar,
to which we have already alluded, was erected in the forum. This pillar,
called Columna Rostrata, from the beaks of the ships which were fastened to
it, was discovered in the year 1560, and placed in the capital.
In the year after this splendid victory the Romans resolved to attempt the
reduction of Corsica and Sardinia; for this purpose L. Cornelius Scipio
sailed with a squadron under his command.
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