But If This Was
Impossible, He Was Quite Determined, For Himself, To Have Nothing To Do
With Them, And During The Short Remainder Of His Life He Kept His Court At
Jehol.
While his brother was engaged in meeting the difficulties of
diplomacy, and in arranging the conditions of a novel
Situation, Hienfung,
by collecting round his person the most bigoted men of his family, showed
that he preferred those counselors who had learned nothing from recent
events, and who would support him in his claims to undiminished
superiority and inaccessibility. Prominent among the men in his confidence
was Prince Tsai, who had taken so discreditable a part in the arrest of
Parkes and his companions at Tungchow, and among his other advisers were
several inexperienced and impetuous members of the Manchu family. They
were all agreed in the policy of recovering, at the earliest possible
moment, what they considered to be the natural and prescriptive right of
the occupant of the Dragon Throne to treat all other potentates as in no
degree equal to himself. No respect for treaties would have deterred them
from reasserting what had solemnly been signed away, and the permanent
success of the faction at Jehol would have entailed, within a
comparatively short period, the outbreak of another foreign war. But the
continued residence of the emperor at Jehol was not popular, with either
his own family or the inhabitants of Pekin. The members of the Manchu
clan, who received a regular allowance during the emperor's residence at
Pekin, were reduced to the greatest straits, and even to the verge of
starvation, while the Chinese naturally resented the attempt to remove the
capital to any other place. This abnegation of authority by Hienfung, for
his absence meant nothing short of that, could not have been prolonged
indefinitely, for a Chinese emperor has many religious and secular duties
to perform which no one else can discharge, and which, if not discharged,
would reduce the office of emperor to a nonentity. Prince Tsai and his
associates had no difficulty in working upon the fears of this prince, who
held the most exalted idea of his own majesty, at the same time that he
had not the power or knowledge to vindicate it.
While such were the views prevailing in the imperial circle at Jehol,
arrangements were in progress for the taking up of his residence at Pekin
of the British minister. After Lord Elgin's departure, his brother, Sir
Frederick Bruce, who was knighted for his share in the negotiations, was
appointed first occupant of the post of minister in the Chinese capital,
and on March 22, 1861, he left Tientsin for Pekin. Mr. Wade accompanied
Sir Frederick as principal secretary, and the staff included six student
interpreters, whose ranks, constantly recruited, have given many able men
to the public service. Before Sir Frederick reached the capital, the
Chinese minister had taken a step to facilitate the transaction of
business with the foreign representatives. Prince Kung - and the credit of
the measure belongs exclusively to him - will always be gratefully
remembered by any foreign writer on modern China as the founder of the
department known as the Tsungli Yamen, which he instituted in January,
1861. This department, since its institution, has very fully answered all
the expectations formed of it; and, although it is erroneous to represent
it as in any sense identical with the Chinese government, or as the
originating source of Chinese policy, it has proved a convenient and well-
managed vehicle for the dispatch of international business. Prince Kung
became its first president, and acted in that capacity until his fall from
power in 1884.
Before long, reports began to be spread of the serious illness of the
emperor. In August Prince Kung hastened to Jehol, the object of his
journey being kept secret. The members of the Tsungli Yamen were observed
by the foreign officials to be pre-occupied, and even the genial Wansiang
could not conceal that they were passing through a crisis. Not merely was
Hienfung dying, but it had become known to Prince Kung and his friends
that he had left the governing authority during the minority of his son, a
child of less than six years of age, to a board of regency composed of
eight of the least intelligent and most arrogant and self-seeking members
of the imperial family, with Prince Tsai at their head. The emperor died
on August 22. A few hours later the imperial decree notifying the last
wishes of the ruler as to the mode of government was promulgated. The
board of regency assumed the nominal control of affairs, and Hienfung's
son was proclaimed emperor under the style of Chiseang. In all of these
arrangements neither Prince Kung nor his brothers, nor the responsible
ministers at the capital, had had the smallest part. It was an intrigue
among certain members of the imperial clan to possess themselves of the
ruling power, and for a time it seemed as if their intrigue would be only
too successful. Nothing happened during the months of September and
October to disturb their confidence, for they remained at Jehol, and at
Pekin the routine of government continued to be performed by Prince Kung.
That statesman and his colleagues employed the interval in arranging their
own plan of action, and in making sure of the fidelity of a certain number
of troops. Throughout these preparations Prince Kung was ably and
energetically supported by his brother, Prince Chun, by his colleague,
Wansiang, and by his aged father-in-law, the minister Kweiliang. But the
conspirators could not keep the young emperor at Jehol indefinitely, and
when, at the end of October, it became known that he was on the point of
returning to Pekin, it was clear that the hour of conflict had arrived. At
Jehol the Board of Regency could do little harm; but once its pretensions
and legality were admitted at the capital, all the ministers would have to
take their orders from it, and to resign the functions which they had
retained.
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