"Of This Plot Between The
Dutch And Mr. Jones, I Have Had Late And Certain Intelligence." If This
Intelligence Was
More reliable than his assertion concerning the
responsibility of Jones for the "delays while they were in England," it
may
Well be discredited, as not the faintest evidence appears to make him
responsible for those delays, and they are amply accounted for without
him. Without questioning the veracity of Morton (while suggesting his
many known errors, and that the lapse of time made it easy to
misinterpret even apparently certain facts), it must be remembered that
he is the original sponsor for the charge of Dutch intrigue with Jones,
and was its sole support for many years. All other writers who have
accepted and indorsed his views are of later date, and but follow him,
while Bradford and Winslow, who were victims of this Dutch conspiracy
against them, if it ever existed, were entirely silent in their writings
upon the matter, which we may be sure they would not have been, had they
suspected the Dutch as prime movers in the treachery. That there was a
conspiracy to accomplish the landing of the MAY-FLOWER planters at a
point north of "the Hudson" (in fact, north of the bounds defined by the
(first) Pierce patent, upon which they relied), i.e. north of 41 deg. N.
latitude, - is very certain; but that it was of Dutch origin, or based
upon motives which are attributed to the Dutch, is clearly erroneous.
While the historical facts indicate an utter lack of motive for such an
intrigue on the part of the Dutch, either as a government or as
individuals, there was no lack of motive on the part of certain others,
who, we can but believe, were responsible for the conspiracy. Moreover,
the chief conspirators were such, that, even if the plot was ultimately
suspected by the Pilgrims, a wise policy - indeed, self-preservation
- would have dictated their silence. That the Dutch were without
sufficient motive or interest has been declared. That the States General
could have had no wish to reject so exceptionally excellent a body of
colonists as subjects, and as tenants to hold and develop their disputed
territory - if in position to receive them and guarantee them protection
- is clear. The sole objection that could be urged against them was their
English birth, and with English regiments garrisoning the Dutch home
cities, and foreigners of every nation in the States General's employ, by
land and by sea, such an objection could have had no weight. Indeed, the
Leyden party proposed, if they effected satisfactory arrangements with
the States General (as stated by the Directors of the New Netherland
Company), "to plant there [at "Hudson's River"] a new commonwealth, all
under the order and command of your Princely Excellency and their High
Mightinesses the States General:" The Leyden Pilgrims were men who kept
their agreements.
The Dutch trading-companies, who were the only parties in the Low
Countries who could possibly have had any motive for such a conspiracy,
were at this time themselves without charters, and the overtures of the
principal company, made to the government in behalf of themselves and the
Leyden brethren, had recently, as we have seen, been twice rejected.
They had apparently, therefore, little to hope for in the near future;
certainly not enough to warrant expenditure and the risk of disgraceful
exposure, in negotiations with a stranger - an obscure ship-master - to
change his course and land his passengers in violation of the terms of
his charter-party; - negotiations, moreover, in which neither of the
parties could well have had any guaranty of the other's good faith.
But, as previously asserted, there was a party - to whom such knavery was
an ordinary affair - who had ample motive, and of whom Master Thomas Jones
was already the very willing and subservient ally and tool, and had been
such for years. Singularly enough, the motive governing this party was
exactly the reverse of that attributed - though illogically and without
reason - to the Dutch. In the case of the latter, the alleged animus was
a desire to keep the Pilgrim planters away from their "Hudson's River"
domain. In the case of the real conspirators, the purpose was to secure
these planters as colonists for, and bring them to, the more northern
territory owned by them. It is well known that Sir Ferdinando Gorges was
the leading spirit of the "Second Virginia Company," as he also became
(with the Earl of Warwick a close second) of "The Council for the Affairs
of New England," of which both men were made "Governors," in November of
1620, when the Council practically superseded the "Second Virginia
Company." The Great Charter for "The Council of Affairs of New England,"
commonly known as "The Council for New England," issued Tuesday, November
3/13, 1620, and it held in force till Sunday, June 7/17, 1635.
Although not its official head, and ranked at its board by dukes and
earls, Sir Ferdinando Gorges was - as he had been in the old Plymouth (or
Second) Virginia Company - the leading man. This was largely from his
superior acquaintance with, and long and varied experience in, New
England affairs. The "Council" was composed of forty patentees, and
Baxter truly states, that "Sir Ferdinando Gorges, at this time [1621]
stood at the head of the Council for New England, so far as influence
went; in fact, his hand shaped its affairs." This company, holding - by
the division of territory made under the original charter-grants - a strip
of territory one hundred miles wide, on the North American coast, between
the parallels of 41 deg. and 45 deg. N. latitude, had not prospered, and
its efforts at colonization (on what is now the Maine coast), in 1607 and
later, had proved abortive, largely through the character of its
"settlers," who had been, in good degree, a somewhat notable mixture of
two of the worst elements of society, - convicts and broken-down
"gentlemen."
"In 1607," says Goodwin, "Gorges and the cruel Judge Popham planted a
colony at Phillipsburg (or Sagadahoc, as is supposed), by the mouth of
the Kennebec.
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