There Is Every Reason To Believe,
And None To Doubt, That His Ownership Of The MAY-FLOWER Of Imperishable
Renown Remained Equally Unbroken Throughout These Years, And That His
Signature As Her Owner Was Appended To Her Pilgrim Charter-Party In
1620.
Whoever the signatories of her charter-party may have been, there
can be no doubt that the good ship
MAY-FLOWER, in charge of her
competent, if treacherous, Master, Captain Thomas Jones, and her first
"pilot," John Clarke, lay in the Thames near London through the latter
part of June and the early part of July, in the summer of
1620, undergoing a thorough overhauling, under contract as a
colonist-transport, for a voyage to the far-off shores of "the
northern parts of Virginia."
In whatever of old English verbiage, with quaint terms and cumbersome
repetition, the stipulations of this contract of were concealed, there
can be no doubt that they purported and designed to "ingage" that "the
Good ship MAY-FLOWER of Yarmouth, of 9 score tuns burthen, whereof for
the present viage Thomas Joanes is Master," should make the "viage" as a
colonist-transport, "from the city of London in His Majesty's Kingdom of
Great Britain," etc., "to the neighborhood of the mouth of Hudson's
River, in the northern parts of Virginia and return, calling at the Port
of Southampton, outward bound, to complete her lading, the same of all
kinds, to convey to, and well and safely deliver at, such port or place,
at or about the mouth of Hudson's River, so-called, in Virginia
aforesaid, as those in authority of her passengers shall direct," etc.,
with provision as to her return lading, through her supercargo, etc.
It is probable that the exact stipulations of the contract will never
transpire, and we can only roughly guess at them, by somewhat difficult
comparison with the terms on which the LADY ARBELLA, the "Admiral," or
flagship, of Winthrop's fleet, was chartered in 1630, for substantially
the like voyage (of course, without expectation or probability, of so
long a stay on the New England coast), though the latter was much the
larger ship. The contract probably named an "upset" or total sum for the
"round voyage," as was the of the case with the LADY ARBELLA, though it
is to be hoped there was no "demurrage" clause, exacting damage, as is
usual, for each day of detention beyond the "lay days" allowed, for the
long and unexpected tarries in Cape Cod and Plymouth harbors must have
rolled up an appalling "demurrage" claim. Winthrop enters among his
memoranda, "The agreement for the ARBELLA L750, whereof is to be paid in
hand [i e. cash down] the rest upon certificate of our safe arrival."
The sum was doubtless considerably in excess of that paid for the
MAY-FLOWER, both because she was a much larger, heavier-armed, and
better-manned ship, of finer accommodations, and because ships were, in
1630, in far greater demand for the New England trade than in 1620,
Winthrop's own fleet including no less than ten. The adjustments of
freight and passage moneys between the Adventurers and colonists are
matter of much doubt and perplexity, and are not likely to be fully
ascertained. The only light thrown upon them is by the tariffs for such
service on Winthrop's fleet, and for passage, etc., on different ships,
at a little later day. It is altogether probable that transportation of
all those accepted as colonists, by the agents of the Adventurers and
"Planters," was without direct charge to any individual, but was debited
against the whole. But as some had better quarters than others, some
much more and heavier furniture, etc., while some had bulky and heavy
goods for their personal benefit (such as William Mullen's cases of
"boots and shoes," etc.), it is fair to assume that some schedule of
rates for "tonnage," if not for individuals, became necessary, to
prevent complaints and to facilitate accounts. Winthrop credits Mr.
Goffe - owner of two of the ships in 1630 - as follows: -
"For ninety-six passengers at L4, L384.
For thirty-two tons of goods at L3 (per ton).
For passage for a man, his wife and servant, (3 persons)
L16/10, L5/10 each."
Goodwin shows the cost of transportation at different times and under
varying conditions. "The expense of securing and shipping Thos. Morton
of 'Merry Mount' to England, was L12 7 0," but just what proportion the
passage money bore to the rest of the account, cannot now be told. The
expense of Mr. Rogers, the young insane clergyman brought over by Isaac
Allerton, without authority, was, for the voyage out: "For passage L1.
For diet for eleven weeks at 4s. 8d. per week, total L3 11 4"
[A rather longer passage than usual.] Constant Southworth came in the
same ship and paid the same, L3 11 4, which may hence be assumed as the
average charge, at that date, for a first-class passage. This does not
vary greatly from the tariff of to-day, (1900) as, reduced to United
States currency, it would be about $18; and allowing the value of
sterling to be about four times this, in purchase ratio, it would mean
about $73. The expenses of the thirty-five of the Leyden congregation
who came over in the MAY-FLOWER in 1620, and of the others brought in the
LION in 1630, were slightly higher than these figures, but the cost of
the trip from Leyden to England was included, with that of some clothing.
In 1650, Judge Sewall, who as a wealthy man would be likely to indulge in
some luxury, gives his outlay one way, as, "Fare, L2 3 0; cabin expenses,
L4 11 4; total, L6 14 4."
CHAPTER IV
THE MAY-FLOWER - THE SHIP HERSELF
Unhappily the early chroniclers familiar with the MAY-FLOWER have left us
neither representation nor general description of her, and but few data
from which we may reconstruct her outlines and details for ourselves.
Tradition chiefly determines her place in one of the few classes into
which the merchant craft of her day were divided, her tonnage and service
being almost the only other authentic indices to this class.
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