But The
Immediate History Of The Measure Is Sufficiently Wonderful, Without
Dwelling On The Remoter Predictions Of So Many Wise Men.
Whoever, in
1862, or even in 1863, would have told us that we should see even what
we see
In these seats by which I stand - such a representation of
interests acting together, would be accounted, as our Scotch friends
say, 'half daft'; and whoever, in the Lower Provinces, about the same
time, would have ventured to foretell the composition of their
delegations which sat with us under this roof last October, would
probably have been considered equally demented. But the thing came
about; and if those gentlemen who have had no immediate hand in
bringing it about, and, therefore, naturally feel less interest in the
project than we who had, will only give us the benefit of the doubt -
will only assume that we are not all altogether wrong-headed - we hope
to show them still farther, though we think we have already shown them
satisfactorily, that we are by no means without reason in entering on
this enterprise. I submit, however, we may very well dismiss the
antecedent history of the question for the present: it grew from an
unnoticed feeble plant, to be a stately and flourishing tree; and, for
my part, any one that pleases may say he made the tree grow, if I can
only have hereafter my fair share of the shelter and the shade. But in
the present stage of the question, the first real stage of its success
- the thing that gave importance to theory in men's minds, was the now
celebrated despatch, signed by two members of this Government and an
honourable gentleman formerly their colleague (Hon. Mr. Ross), a member
of the other House. I refer to the despatch of 1858. The
recommendations in that despatch lay dormant until revived by the
Constitutional Committee of last Session, which led to the Coalition,
which led to the Quebec Conference, which led to the draft of the
Constitution now on our table, which will lead, I am fain to believe,
to the union of all these Provinces. At the same time that we mention
these distinguished politicians, I think we ought not to forget those
zealous and laborious contributors to the public press, who, although
not associated with governments, and not themselves at the time in
politics, yet greatly contributed to give life and interest to this
question, and, indirectly, to bring it to the happy position in which
it now stands. Of those gentlemen I will mention two. I do not know
whether honorable gentlemen of this House have seen some letters on
Colonial Union, written in 1855 - the last addressed to the late Duke of
Newcastle - by Mr. P. S. Hamilton, an able public writer of Nova Scotia,
and the present Gold Commissioner of that province; but I take this
opportunity of bearing my testimony to his well-balanced judgment,
political sagacity, and the skilful handling the subject received from
him at a very early period. There is another little book, written in
English, six or seven years ago, to which I must refer. It is a
pamphlet, which met with an extraordinary degree of success, entitled
Nova Britannia, by my honorable friend, the member for South Lanark
(Mr. Morris); and as he has been one of the principal agents in
bringing into existence the present Government, which is now carrying
out the idea embodied in his book, I trust he will forgive me if I take
the opportunity, although he is present, of reading a single sentence,
to show how far he was in advance, and how true he was to the coming
event which we are now considering. At page 57 of his pamphlet - which I
hope will be reprinted among the political miscellanies of the
Provinces when we are one country and one people - I find this
paragraph: -
"'The dealing with the destinies of a future Britannic empire, the
shaping its course, the laying its foundations broad and deep, and the
erecting thereon a noble and enduring superstructure, are indeed duties
that may well evoke the energies of our people, and nerve the arms and
give power and enthusiasm to the aspirations of all true patriots. The
very magnitude of the interests involved, will, I doubt not, elevate
many amongst us above the demands of mere sectionalism, and enable them
to evince sufficient comprehensiveness of mind to deal in the spirit of
real statesmen with issues so momentous, and to originate and develop a
national line of commercial and general policy, such as will prove
adapted to the wants and exigencies of our position.'
"We, on this side, Mr. Speaker, propose for that better future our plan
of Union; and, if you will allow me, I shall go over what appear to me
the principal motives which exist at present for that Union. My hon.
friend the Finance Minister mentioned the other evening several strong
motives for Union - free access to the sea, an extended market, breaking
down of hostile tariffs, a more diversified field for labour and
capital, our enhanced credit with England, and our greater
effectiveness when united for assistance in time of danger. The Hon.
President of the Council, last night also enumerated several motives
for Union in relation to the commercial advantages which will flow from
it, and other powerful reasons which may be advanced in favour of it.
But the motives to such a comprehensive change as we propose, must be
mixed motives - partly commercial, partly military, and partly
political; and I shall go over a few - not strained or simulated -
motives which must move many people of all these Provinces, and which
are rather of a social, or, strictly speaking, political than of a
financial kind. In the first place, I echo what was stated in the
speech last night of my hon. friend, the President of the Council - that
we cannot stand still; we cannot stave off some great change; we cannot
stand alone - Province apart from Province - if we would; and that we are
in a state of political transition.
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