"'Although The Committee Would Grossly Misrepresent Their Countrymen If
They Were To Affirm That Their Loyalty To Their Sovereign Would
Be
diminished in the slightest degree by the withdrawal, through the
unfriendly action of a foreign Government, of mere commercial
Privileges, however valuable these might be deemed, they think they
cannot err in directing the attention of the enlightened statesmen who
wield the destinies of the great Empire, of which it is the proudest
boast of Canadians that their country forms a part, to the connection
which is usually found to exist between the material prosperity and the
political contentment of a people, for in doing so they feel that they
are appealing to the highest motives that can actuate patriotic
statesmen - the desire to perpetuate a dominion founded on the
affectionate allegiance of a prosperous and contented people.
"'The Committee venture to express the hope that Your Excellency will
be pleased to bring this subject and the considerations now submitted
under the notice of Her Majesty's Imperial advisers.
"'W. H. LEE, C. E. C.'
"Does it not seem as if the whole business was let alone, neglected,
despised?
"What were our Government doing from 1861 to 1865?
"POLAND exercised the minds of the Foreign Office from an early date,
and they have given us papers from July 31st, 1862, December 31st of
that year, and on to April 23rd, 1863, when that affair ended.
"DENMARK revived their old discussions in 1863, and they began to write
despatches about them. They have given Parliament papers about the
'Conference,' which only began January 23rd, 1864, and ended March
26th, 1864.
"The whole number of papers printed for Parliament, and laid on the
table in 1864, was 369. Yet there was not, out of these, one single
paper about the Reciprocity Treaty.
"The whole number of papers printed for Parliament, and laid likewise
upon the table in 1865, was 170, but not a line appears about the
Reciprocity Treaty. So much for the attention of the people we pay to
watch over our affairs.
"The question, as regards our relations with the States, Was a great
opportunity lost? arises. Let us see. 1st, the Chamber of Commerce of
New York, and its 1,300,000 people, ask for a treaty in 1861; 2nd,
Congress asks for it by appointing a committee in 1861; 3rd, the
committee ask for it by their report of 1862 and by their resolutions
of 1864; 4th, Mr. Seward endorses it even so late as November, 1864;
and 5th, the Convention at Detroit ask for it so late as the 14th July,
1865. In further testimony, a member of Congress said, on the 14th
March, 1866, on the debate on the abortive Bill for regulating
trade with British North American Provinces: -
"Mr. Brooks, 'Dem. N. Y.,' said, 'that he would not have risen to
obtrude any remarks on the committee on a subject that had been
discussed with an ability and ingenuity reminding him, of ancient times
in the House, and demonstrating that upon subjects which interest our
own race there is as much ability here as of old, if he had not voted
last year, with others, for an abrogation of the Reciprocity Treaty,
and if he did not see now, from the tendencies and sympathies of the
House, that the moment the Bill passed from the hands of the committee
of the whole it would receive its final death blow. He did not believe
there would have been thirty votes obtained in this House last year for
the abrogation of the Reciprocity Treaty with Canada, but for the
explicit understanding that some sort of reciprocity in trade would be
forthwith re-established, either through the treaty-making power, or
through the legislative power of the Government. The people of the
United States were ground down by the internal revenue taxation, and he
had not felt at liberty to let the Reciprocity Treaty stand, without
being at liberty to make some sort of bargain with the people of
Canada, that whatever our internal revenues might be, the same would be
levied, either by them or by us, on our imports from them. It was
exclusively on that understanding that he had voted for the abrogation
of the treaty. And he now saw in the additional claims of those who
represented the lumber interests, and the coal and other interests of
the country, that advantage was to be taken of the present opportunity,
and that never again were we to have reciprocity with the neighbouring
Provinces. On the contrary, we were to impose as high duties as could
be imposed upon their products, higher if possible than those now
levied under the general tariff bill. If that were to be so, he never
should regret any vote that he gave in his life as he would regret his
vote of last winter to abrogate the treaty. He had given it with the
understanding that it should be substantially renewed. He spoke of the
people of the Provinces as being connected with us by kindred and by
blood, and as rightfully belonging to us; and he hoped to live to see
the day when the seats on this floor and in the Senate would be
occupied by representatives and senators from Canada, New Brunswick,
Nova Scotia, Prince Edward's Island, and all the other American
dependencies of Great Britain.'
"Then it will not be forgotten that the Government and Congress of the
States ratified a treaty with Great Britain, which never could before
be acted on, viz., that affecting the African slave trade, on the 7th
April, 1862, and they agreed to the important additional article on the
17th February, 1863. At these dates the Government and people of the
United States were most anxious, therefore, for friendly relations with
us. But Earl Russell lost the golden opportunity. British interests
were entirely neglected.
"We must now look at the new features of difficulty which have sprung
up; and first, there is now a Congress with a Republican majority, and
the majority of that majority are Protectionists:
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