Why Is It That Eight Millions
Of People Have Desired To Separate Themselves From A Rich And Mighty
Empire - From An Empire Which Was Apparently On Its Road To
Unprecedented Success, And Which Had Already Achieved Wealth,
Consideration, Power, And Internal Well-Being?
One would be glad to imagine, from the essays of Mr. Everett and of
Mr. Motley, that slavery has had little or nothing to do with it.
I
must acknowledge it to be my opinion that slavery in its various
bearings has been the single and necessary cause of the war; that
slavery being there in the South, this war was only to be avoided by
a voluntary division - secession voluntary both on the part of North
and South; that in the event of such voluntary secession being not
asked for, or if asked for not conceded, revolution and civil war
became necessary - were not to be avoided by any wisdom or care on
the part of the North.
The arguments used by both the gentlemen I have named prove very
clearly that South Carolina and her sister States had no right to
secede under the Constitution; that is to say, that it was not open
to them peaceably to take their departure, and to refuse further
allegiance to the President and Congress without a breach of the
laws by which they were bound. For a certain term of years, namely,
from 1781 to 1787, the different States endeavored to make their way
in the world simply leagued together by certain articles of
confederation. It was declared that each State retained its
sovereignty, freedom, and independence; and that the said States
then entered severally into a firm league of friendship with each
other for their common defense. There was no President, no Congress
taking the place of our Parliament, but simply a congress of
delegates or ambassadors, two or three from each State, who were to
act in accordance with the policy of their own individual States.
It is well that this should be thoroughly understood, not as bearing
on the question of the present war, but as showing that a loose
confederation, not subversive of the separate independence of the
States, and capable of being partially dissolved at the will of each
separate State, was tried, and was found to fail. South Carolina
took upon herself to act as she might have acted had that
confederation remained in force; but that confederation was an
acknowledged failure. National greatness could not be achieved
under it, and individual enterprise could not succeed under it.
Then in lieu of that, by the united consent of the thirteen States,
the present Constitution was drawn up and sanctioned, and to that
every State bound itself in allegiance. In that Constitution no
power of secession is either named or presumed to exist. The
individual sovereignty of the States had, in the first instance,
been thought desirable. The young republicans hankered after the
separate power and separate name which each might then have
achieved; but that dream had been found vain - and therefore the
States, at the cost of some fond wishes, agreed to seek together for
national power rather than run the risks entailed upon separate
existence.
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