With us a trade in
hogs and pigs is subject to some little contumely.
There is a
feeling, which has perhaps never been expressed in words, but which
certainly exists, that these animals are not so honorable in their
bearings as sheep and oxen. It is a prejudice which by no means
exists in Cincinnati. There hog killing and salting and packing is
very honorable, and the great men in the trade are the merchant
princes of the city. I went to see the performance, feeling it to
be a duty to inspect everywhere that which I found to be of most
importance; but I will not describe it. There were a crowd of men
operating, and I was told that the point of honor was to "put
through" a hog a minute. It must be understood that the animal
enters upon the ceremony alive, and comes out in that cleanly,
disemboweled guise in which it may sometimes be seen hanging up
previous to the operation of the pork butcher's knife. To one
special man was appointed a performance which seemed to be specially
disagreeable, so that he appeared despicable in my eyes; but when on
inquiry I learned that he earned five dollars (or a pound sterling)
a day, my judgment as to his position was reversed. And, after all,
what matters the ugly nature of such an occupation when a man is
used to it?
Cincinnati is like all other American towns, with second, third, and
fourth streets, seventh, eighth, and ninth streets, and so on. Then
the cross streets are named chiefly from trees. Chestnut, walnut,
locust, etc. I do not know whence has come this fancy for naming
streets after trees in the States, but it is very general. The town
is well built, with good fronts to many of the houses, with large
shops and larger stores; of course also with an enormous hotel,
which has never paid anything like a proper dividend to the
speculator who built it. It is always the same story. But these
towns shame our provincial towns by their breadth and grandeur. I
am afraid that speculators with us are trammeled by an "ignorant
impatience of ruin." I should not myself like to live in Cincinnati
or in any of these towns. They are slow, dingy, and uninteresting;
but they all possess an air of substantial, civic dignity. It must,
however, be remembered that the Americans live much more in towns
than we do. All with us that are rich and aristocratic and
luxurious live in the country, frequenting the metropolis for only a
portion of the year. But all that are rich and aristocratic and
luxurious in the States live in the towns. Our provincial towns are
not generally chosen as the residences of our higher classes.
Cincinnati has 170,000 inhabitants, and there are 14,000 children at
the free schools - which is about one in twelve of the whole
population. This number gives the average of scholars throughout
the year ended 30th of June, 1861. But there are other schools in
Cincinnati - parish schools and private schools - and it is stated to
me that there were in all 32,000 children attending school in the
city throughout the year. The education at the State schools is
very good. Thirty-four teachers are employed, at an average salary
of 92l. each, ranging from 260l. to 60l. per annum. It is in this
matter of education that the cities of the free States of America
have done so much for the civilization and welfare of their
population. This fact cannot be repeated in their praise too often.
Those who have the management of affairs, who are at the top of the
tree, are desirous of giving to all an opportunity of raising
themselves in the scale of human beings. I dislike universal
suffrage; I dislike votes by ballot; I dislike above all things the
tyranny of democracy. But I do like the political feeling - for it
is a political feeling - which induces every educated American to
lend a hand to the education of his fellow-citizens. It shows, if
nothing else does so, a germ of truth in that doctrine of equality.
It is a doctrine to be forgiven when he who preaches it is in truth
striving to raise others to his own level; though utterly
unpardonable when the preacher would pull down others to his level.
Leaving Cincinnati, I again entered a slave State - namely, Kentucky.
When the war broke out, Kentucky took upon itself to say that it
would be neutral, as if neutrality in such a position could by any
means have been possible! Neutrality on the borders of secession,
on the battle-field of the coming contest, was of course impossible.
Tennessee, to the south, had joined the South by a regular secession
ordinance. Ohio, Illinois, and Indiana, to the north, were of
course true to the Union. Under these circumstances it became
necessary that Kentucky should choose her side. With the exception
of the little State of Delaware, in which from her position
secession would have been impossible, Kentucky was, I think, less
inclined to rebellion, more desirous of standing by the North, than
any other of the slave States. She did all she could, however, to
put off the evil day of so evil a choice. Abolition within her
borders was held to be abominable as strongly as it was so held in
Georgia. She had no sympathy, and could have none, with the
teachings and preachings of Massachusetts. But she did not wish to
belong to a confederacy of which the Northern States were to be the
declared enemy, and be the border State of the South under such
circumstances. She did all she could for personal neutrality. She
made that effort for general reconciliation of which I have spoken
as the Crittenden Compromise. But compromises and reconciliation
were not as yet possible, and therefore it was necessary that she
should choose her part.
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