Mr. Charles Sumner is a Senator
from Massachusetts, known as a very hot abolitionist, and as having
been the victim of an attack made upon him in the Senate House by
Senator Brooks.
He was also, at the time of which I am writing,
Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, which position is as
near akin to that of a British minister in Parliament as can be
attained under the existing Constitution of the States. It is not
similar, because such chairman is by no means bound to the
government; but he has ministerial relations, and is supposed to be
specially conversant with all questions relating to foreign affairs.
It was understood that Mr. Sumner did not intend to find fault
either with England or with the government of his own country as to
its management of this matter; or that, at least, such fault-finding
was not his special object, but that he was desirous to put forth
views which might lead to a final settlement of all difficulties
with reference to the right of international search.
On such an occasion, a speaker gives himself very little chance of
making a favorable impression on his immediate hearers if he reads
his speech from a written manuscript. Mr. Sumner did so on this
occasion, and I must confess that I was not edified. It seemed to
me that he merely repeated, at greater length, the arguments which I
had heard fifty times during the last thirty or forty days. I am
told that the discourse is considered to be logical, and that it
"reads" well. As regards the gist of it, or that result which Mr.
Sumner thinks to be desirable, I fully agree with him, as I think
will all the civilized world before many years have passed. If
international law be what the lawyers say it is, international law
must be altered to suit the requirements of modern civilization. By
those laws, as they are construed, everything is to be done for two
nations at war with each other; but nothing is to be done for all
the nations of the world that can manage to maintain the peace. The
belligerents are to be treated with every delicacy, as we treat our
heinous criminals; but the poor neutrals are to be handled with
unjust rigor, as we handle our unfortunate witnesses in order that
the murderer may, if possible, be allowed to escape. Two men living
in the same street choose to pelt each other across the way with
brickbats, and the other inhabitants are denied the privileges of
the footpath lest they should interfere with the due prosecution of
the quarrel! It is, I suppose, the truth that we English have
insisted on this right of search with more pertinacity than any
other nation. Now in this case of Slidell and Mason we have felt
ourselves aggrieved, and have resisted. Luckily for us there was no
doubt of the illegality of the mode of seizure in this instance; but
who will say that if Captain Wilkes had taken the "Trent" into the
harbor of New York, in order that the matter might have been
adjudged there, England would have been satisfied?
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