They Had Declared With Throats Of Brass
That These Men Should Never Be Surrendered To Perfidious Albion; But
When It Came To Be Understood That In All Probability They Would Be
So Surrendered, They Veered Round Without An Excuse, And Spoke Of
Their Surrender As Of A Thing Of Course.
And thus, in the course of
about a week, the whole current of men's minds was turned.
For
myself, on my first arrival at Washington, I felt certain that there
would be war, and was preparing myself for a quick return to
England; but from the moment that the first whisper of England's
message reached us, and that I began to hear how it was received and
what men said about it, I knew that I need not hurry myself. One
met a minister here, and a Senator there, and anon some wise
diplomatic functionary. By none of these grave men would any secret
be divulged; none of them had any secret ready for divulging. But
it was to be read in every look of the eye, in every touch of the
hand, and in every fall of the foot of each of them, that Mason and
Slidell would go to England.
Then we had, in all the fullness of diplomatic language, Lord
Russell's demand, and Mr. Seward's answer. Lord Russell's demand
was worded in language so mild, was so devoid of threat, was so free
from anger, that at the first reading it seemed to ask for nothing.
It almost disappointed by its mildness. Mr. Seward's reply, on the
other hand, by its length of argumentation, by a certain sharpness
of diction, to which that gentleman is addicted in his State papers,
and by a tone of satisfaction inherent through it all, seemed to
demand more than he conceded. But, in truth, Lord Russell had
demanded everything, and the United States government had conceded
everything.
I have said that the American government behaved well in its mode of
giving the men up, and I think that so much should be allowed to
them on a review of the whole affair. That Captain Wilkes had no
instructions to seize the two men, is a known fact. He did seize
them, and brought them into Boston harbor, to the great delight of
his countrymen. This delight I could understand, though of course I
did not share it. One of these men had been the parent of the
Fugitive Slave Law; the other had been great in fostering the
success of filibustering. Both of them were hot secessionists, and
undoubtedly rebels. No two men on the continent were more grievous
in their antecedents and present characters to all Northern feeling.
It is impossible to deny that they were rebels against the
government of their country. That Captain Wilkes was not on this
account justified in seizing them, is now a matter of history; but
that the people of the loyal States should rejoice in their seizure,
was a matter of course. Wilkes was received with an ovation, which
as regarded him was ill judged and undeserved, but which in its
spirit was natural. Had the President's government at that moment
disowned the deed done by Wilkes, and declared its intention of
giving up the men unasked, the clamor raised would have been very
great, and perhaps successful. We were told that the American
lawyers were against their doing so; and indeed there was such a
shout of triumph that no ministry in a country so democratic could
have ventured to go at once against it, and to do so without any
external pressure.
Then came the one ministerial blunder. The President put forth his
message, in which he was cunningly silent on the Slidell and Mason
affair; but to his message was appended, according to custom, the
report from Mr. Welles, the Secretary of the Navy. In this report
approval was expressed of the deed done by Captain Wilkes. Captain
Wilkes was thus in all respects indemnified, and the blame, if any,
was taken from his shoulders and put on to the shoulders of that
officer who was responsible for the Secretary's letter. It is true
that in that letter the Secretary declared that in case of any
future seizure the vessel seized must be taken into port, and so
declared in animadverting on the fact that Captain Wilkes had not
brought the "Trent" into port. But, nevertheless, Secretary Welles
approved of Captain Wilkes's conduct. He allowed the reasons to be
good which Wilkes had put forward for leaving the ship, and in all
respects indemnified the captain. Then the responsibility shifted
itself to Secretary Welles; but I think it must be clear that the
President, in sending forward that report, took that responsibility
upon himself. That he is not bound to send forward the reports of
his Secretaries as he receives them - that he can disapprove them and
require alteration, was proved at the very time by the fact that he
had in this way condemned Secretary Cameron's report, and caused a
portion of it to be omitted. Secretary Cameron had unfortunately
allowed his entire report to be printed, and it appeare d in a New
York paper. It contained a recommendation with reference to the
slave question most offensive to a part of the cabinet, and to the
majority of Mr. Lincoln's party. This, by order of the President,
was omitted in the official way. It was certainly a pity that Mr.
Welles's paragraph respecting the "Trent" was not omitted also. The
President was dumb on the matter, and that being so the Secretary
should have been dumb also.
But when the demand was made, the States government yielded at once,
and yielded without bluster. I cannot say I much admired Mr.
Seward's long letter. It was full of smart special pleading, and
savored strongly, as Mr. Seward's productions always do, of the
personal author. Mr. Seward was making an effort to place a great
State paper on record, but the ars celare artem was altogether
wanting; and, if I am not mistaken, he was without the art itself.
I think he left the matter very much where he found it.
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