A Reference To This
Document Will Show How Slight Was The Then Intended Bond Of Union
Between The States.
The second article declares that each State
retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence.
The third
article avows that "the said States hereby severally enter into a
firm league of friendship with each other for their common defense,
the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general
welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all force
offered to, or attacks made upon, them, or any of them, on account
of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretext whatever."
And the third article, "the better to secure and perpetuate mutual
friendship," declares that the free citizens of one State shall be
free citizens of another. From this it is, I think, manifest that
no idea of one united nation had at that time been received and
adopted by the citizens of the States. The articles then go on to
define the way in which Congress shall assemble and what shall be
its powers. This Congress was to exercise the authority of a
national government rather than perform the work of a national
parliament. It was intended to be executive rather than
legislative. It was to consist of delegates, the very number of
which within certain limits was to be left to the option of the
individual States, and to this Congress was to be confided certain
duties and privileges, which could not be performed or exercised
separately by the governments of the individual States. One special
article, the eleventh, enjoins that "Canada, acceding to the
Confederation, and joining in the measures of the United States,
shall be admitted into and entitled to all the advantages of this
Union; but no other colony shall be admitted into the same unless
such admission be agreed to by nine States." I mention this to show
how strong was the expectation at that time that Canada also would
revolt from England. Up to this day few Americans can understand
why Canada has declined to join her lot to them.
But the compact between the different States made by the Articles of
Confederation, and the mode of national procedure therein enjoined,
were found to be inefficient for the wants of a people who to be
great must be united in fact as well as in name. The theory of the
most democratic among the Americans of that day was in favor of
self-government carried to an extreme. Self-government was the
Utopia which they had determined to realize, and they were unwilling
to diminish the reality of the self-government of the individual
States by any centralization of power in one head, or in one
parliament, or in one set of ministers for the nation. For ten
years, from 1777 to 1787, the attempt was made; but then it was
found that a stronger bond of nationality was indispensable, if any
national greatness was to be regarded as desirable. Indeed, all
manner of failure had attended the mode of national action ordained
by the Articles of Confederation.
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