I Cannot Say
That I Was Much Struck By The Scenery, And Therefore Did Not
Encroach Upon My Time By Making The Journey Again.
Such an opinion
will be regarded as heresy by many who think much of the Thousand
Islands.
I do not believe that they would be expressly noted by
any traveler who was not expressly bidden to admire them.
From Toronto we went across to Niagara, re-entering the States at
Lewiston, in New York.
CHAPTER VI.
THE CONNECTION OF THE CANADAS WITH GREAT BRITAIN.
When the American war began troops were sent out to Canada, and
when I was in the provinces more troops were then expected. The
matter was much talked of, as a matter of course, in Canada, and it
had been discussed in England before I left. I had seen much said
about it in the English papers since, and it also had become the
subject of very hot question among the politicians of the Northern
States. The measure had at that time given more umbrage to the
North than anything else done or said by England from the beginning
of the war up to that time, except the declaration made by Lord
John Russell in the House of Commons as to the neutrality to be
preserved by England between the two belligerents. The argument
used by the Northern States was this: if France collects men and
material of war in the neighborhood of England, England considers
herself injured, calls for an explanation, and talks of invasion.
Therefore, as England is now collecting men and material of war in
our neighborhood, we will consider ourselves injured. It does not
suit us to ask for an explanation, because it is not our habit to
interfere with other nations. We will not pretend to say that we
think we are to be invaded. But as we clearly are injured, we will
express our anger at that injury, and when the opportunity shall
come will take advantage of having that new grievance.
As we all know, a very large increase of force was sent when we
were still in doubt as to the termination of the Trent affair, and
imagined that war was imminent. But the sending of that large
force did not anger the Americans as the first dispatch of troops
to Canada had angered them. Things had so turned out that measures
of military precaution were acknowledged by them to be necessary.
I cannot, however, but think that Mr. Seward might have spared that
offer to send British troops across Maine, and so also have all his
countrymen thought by whom I have heard the matter discussed.
As to any attempt at invasion of Canada by the Americans, or idea
of punishing the alleged injuries suffered by the States from Great
Britain by the annexation of those provinces, I do not believe that
any sane-minded citizens of the States believe in the possibility
of such retaliation. Some years since the Americans thought that
Canada might shine in the Union firmament as a new star; but that
delusion is, I think, over. Such annexation, if ever made, must
have been made not only against the arms of England, but must also
have been made in accordance with the wishes of the people so
annexed. It was then believed that the Canadians were not averse
to such a change, and there may possibly have then been among them
the remnant of such a wish. There is certainly no such desire now,
not even a remnant of such a desire; and the truth on this matter
is, I think, generally acknowledged. The feeling in Canada is one
of strong aversion to the United States government and of
predilection for self-government under the English Crown. A
faineant governor and the prestige of British power is now the
political aspiration of the Canadians in general; and I think that
this is understood in the States. Moreover, the States have a job
of work on hand which, as they themselves are well aware, is taxing
all their energies. Such being the case, I do not think that
England needs to fear any invasion of Canada authorized by the
States government.
This feeling of a grievance on the part of the States was a
manifest absurdity. The new reinforcement of the garrisons in
Canada did not, when I was in Canada, amount, as I believe, to more
than 2000 men. But had it amounted to 20,000, the States would
have had no just ground for complaint. Of all nationalities that
in modern days have risen to power, they, above all others, have
shown that they would do what they liked with their own,
indifferent to foreign counsels and deaf to foreign remonstrance.
"Do you go your way, and let us go ours. We will trouble you with
no question, nor do you trouble us." Such has been their national
policy, and it has obtained for them great respect. They have
resisted the temptation of putting their fingers into the caldron
of foreign policy; and foreign politicians, acknowledging their
reserve in this respect, have not been offended at the bristles
with which their Noli me tangere has been proclaimed. Their
intelligence has been appreciated, and their conduct has been
respected. But if this has been their line of policy, they must be
entirely out of court in raising any question as to the position of
British troops on British soil.
"It shows us that you doubt us," an American says, with an air of
injured honor - or did say, before that Trent affair. "And it is
done to express sympathy with the South. The Southerners
understand it, and we understand it also. We know where your
hearts are - nay, your very souls. They are among the slave-
begotten cotton bales of the rebel South." Then comes the whole of
the long argument in which it seems so easy to an Englishman to
prove that England, in the whole of this sad matter, has been true
and loyal to her friend.
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