If you and I can count up in a day all those on whom our eyes
may rest and
Learn the circumstances of their lives, we shall be
driven to conclude that nine-tenths of that number would have had a
better life as Americans than they can have in their spheres as
Englishmen. The States are at a discount with us now, in the
beginning of this year of grace 1862; and Englishmen were not very
willing to admit the above statement, even when the States were not
at a discount. But I do not think that a man can travel through
the States with his eyes open and not admit the fact. Many things
will conspire to induce him to shut his eyes and admit no
conclusion favorable to the Americans. Men and women will
sometimes be impudent to him; the better his coat, the greater the
impudence. He will be pelted with the braggadocio of equality.
The corns of his Old World conservatism will be trampled on hourly
by the purposely vicious herd of uncouth democracy. The fact that
he is paymaster will go for nothing, and will fail to insure
civility. I shall never forget my agony as I saw and heard my desk
fall from a porter's hand on a railway station, as he tossed it
from him seven yards off on to the hard pavement. I heard its
poor, weak intestines rattle in their death struggle, and knowing
that it was smashed, I forgot my position on American soil and
remonstrated. "It's my desk, and you have utterly destroyed it," I
said. "Ha! ha! ha!" laughed the porter. "You've destroyed my
property," I rejoined, "and it's no laughing matter." And then all
the crowd laughed. "Guess you'd better get it glued," said one.
So I gathered up the broken article and retired mournfully and
crestfallen into a coach. This was very sad, and for the moment I
deplored the ill luck which had brought me to so savage a country.
Such and such like are the incidents which make an Englishman in
the States unhappy, and rouse his gall against the institutions of
the country; these things and the continued appliance of the
irritating ointment of American braggadocio with which his sores
are kept open. But though I was badly off on that railway
platform, worse off than I should have been in England, all that
crowd of porters round me were better off than our English porters.
They had a "good time" of it. And this, O my English brother who
has traveled through the States and returned disgusted, is the fact
throughout. Those men whose familiarity was so disgusting to you
are having a good time of it. "They might be a little more civil,"
you say, "and yet read and write just as well." True; but they are
arguing in their minds that civility to you will be taken by you
for subservience, or for an acknowledgment of superiority; and
looking at your habits of life - yours and mine together - I am not
quite sure that they are altogether wrong. Have you ever realized
to yourself as a fact that the porter who carries your box has not
made himself inferior to you by the very act of carrying that box?
If not, that is the very lesson which the man wishes to teach you.
If a man can forget his own miseries in his journeyings, and think
of the people he comes to see rather than of himself, I think he
will find himself driven to admit that education has made life for
the million in the Northern States better than life for the million
is with us. They have begun at the beginning, and have so managed
that every one may learn to read and write - have so managed that
almost every one does learn to read and write. With us this cannot
now be done. Population had come upon us in masses too thick for
management, before we had as yet acknowledged that it would be a
good thing that these masses should be educated. Prejudices, too,
had sprung up, and habits, and strong sectional feelings, all
antagonistic to a great national system of education. We are, I
suppose, now doing all that we can do; but comparatively it is
little. I think I saw some time since that the cost for gratuitous
education, or education in part gratuitous, which had fallen upon
the nation had already amounted to the sum of 800,000l.; and I
think also that I read in the document which revealed to me this
fact a very strong opinion that government could not at present go
much further. But if this matter were regarded in England as it is
regarded in Massachusetts, or rather, had it from some prosperous
beginning been put upon a similar footing, 800,000l. would not have
been esteemed a great expenditure for free education simply in the
City of London. In 1857 the public schools of Boston cost
70,000l., and these schools were devoted to a population of about
180,000 souls. Taking the population of London at two and a half
millions, the whole sum now devoted to England would, if expended
in the metropolis, make education there even cheaper than it is in
Boston. In Boston, during 1857, there were above 24,000 pupils at
these public schools, giving more than one-eighth of the whole
population. But I fear it would not be practicable for us to spend
800,000l. on the gratuitous education of London. Rich as we are,
we should not know where to raise the money. In Boston it is
raised by a separate tax. It is a thing understood, acknowledged,
and made easy by being habitual - as is our national debt. I do not
know that Boston is peculiarly blessed, but I quote the instance,
as I have a record of its schools before me. At the three high
schools in Boston, at which the average of pupils is 526, about
13l. per head is paid for free education.
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