Personal Narrative Of Travels To The Equinoctial Regions Of America During The Years 1799-1804 - Volume 3 - By Alexander Von Humboldt And Aime Bonpland.
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Is It A Foreign Word That Denotes Gold Among
The Nations Of The Orinoco, As The Words Sugar And Cotton Are In Our
European Languages?
This would prove that these nations learned to
know the precious metals among the foreign products which came to them
from the Cordilleras,* or from the plains at the eastern back of the
Andes.
(* In Peruvian or Quichua (lengua del Inca) gold is called
cori, whence are derived chichicori, gold in powder, and corikoya,
gold-ore.)
We arrive now at the period when the fable of El Dorado was fixed in
the eastern part of Guiana, first at the pretended lake Cassipa (on
the banks of the Paragua, a tributary stream of the Carony), and
afterwards between the sources of the Rio Essequibo and the Rio
Branco. This circumstance has had the greatest influence on the state
of geography in those countries. Antonio de Berrio, son-in-law* (*
Properly casado con una sobrina. Fray Pedro Simon pages 597 and 608.
Harris Coll. volume 2 page 212. Laet page 652. Caulin page 175.
Raleigh calls Quesada Cemenes de Casada. He also confounds the periods
of the voyages of Ordaz (Ordace), Orellana (Oreliano), and Ursua. See
Empire of Guiana pages 13 to 20.) and sole heir of the great
Adelantado Gonzalo Ximenez de Quesada, passed the Cordilleras to the
east of Tunja,* (* No doubt between the Paramos of Chita and of
Zoraca, taking the road of Chire and Pore. Berrio told Raleigh that he
came from the Casanare to the Pato, from the Pato to the Meta, and
from the Meta to the Baraguan (Orinoco). We must not confound this Rio
Pato (a name connected no doubt with that of the ancient mission of
Patuto) with the Rio Paute.) embarked on the Rio Casanare, and went
down by this river, the Meta, and the Orinoco, to the island of
Trinidad. We scarcely know this voyage except by the narrative of
Raleigh; it appears to have preceded a few years the first foundation
of Vieja Guayana, which was in the year 1591. A few years later (1595)
Berrio caused his maese de campo, Domingo de Vera, to prepare in
Europe an expedition of two thousand men to go up the Orinoco, and
conquer El Dorado, which then began to be called the country of the
Manoa, and even the Laguna de la gran Manoa. Rich landholders sold
their farms, to take part in a crusade, to which twelve Observantin
monks, and ten secular ecclesiastics were annexed. The tales related
by one Martinez* (Juan Martin de Albujar?), who said he had been
abandoned in the expedition of Diego de Ordaz, and led from town to
town till he reached the capital of El Dorado, had inflamed the
imagination of Berrio. (* I believe I can demonstrate that the fable
of Juan Martinez, spread abroad by the narrative of Raleigh, was
founded on the adventures of Juan Martin de Albujar, well known to the
Spanish historians of the Conquest; and who, in the expedition of
Pedro de Silva (1570), fell into the hands of the Caribs of the Lower
Orinoco. This Albujar married an Indian woman and became a savage
himself, as happens sometimes in our own days on the western limits of
Canada and of the United States. After having long wandered with the
Caribs, the desire of rejoining the Whites led him by the Rio
Essequibo to the island of Trinidad. He made several excursions to
Santa Fe de Bogota, and at length settled at Carora. (Simon page 591).
I know not whether he died at Porto Rico; but it cannot be doubted
that it was he who learned from the Carib traders the name of the
Manoas [of Jurubesh]. As he lived on the banks of the Upper Carony and
reappeared by the Rio Essequibo, he may have contributed also to place
the lake Manoa at the isthmus of Rupunuwini. Raleigh makes his Juan
Martinez embark below Morequito, a village at the east of that
confluence of the Carony with the Orinoco. Thence he makes him dragged
by the Caribs from town to town, till he finds at Manoa a relation of
the inca Atabalipa (Atahualpa), whom he had known before at Caxamarca,
and who had fled before the Spaniards. It appears that Raleigh had
forgotten that the voyage of Ordaz (1531) was two years anterior to
the death of Atahualpa and the entire destruction of the empire of
Peru! He must have confounded the expedition of Ordaz with that of
Silva (1570), in which Juan Martin de Albuzar partook. The latter, who
related his tales at Santa Fe, at Venezuela, and perhaps at Porto
Rico, must have combined what he had heard from the Caribs with what
he had learned from the Spaniards respecting the town of the Omaguas
seen by Huten; of the gilded man who sacrificed in a lake, and of the
flight of the family of Atahualpa into the forests of Vilcabamba, and
the eastern Cordillera of the Andes. Garcilasso volume 2 page 194.) It
is difficult to distinguish what this conquistador had himself
observed in going down the Orinoco from what he said he had collected
in a pretended journal of Martinez, deposited at Porto Rico. It
appears that in general at that period the same ideas prevailed
respecting America as those which we have long entertained in regard
to Africa; it was imagined that more civilization would be found
towards the centre of the continent than on the coasts. Already Juan
Gonzalez, whom Diego de Ordaz had sent in 1531 to explore the banks of
the Orinoco, announced that "the farther you went up this river the
more you saw the population increase." Berrio mentions the
often-inundated province of Amapaja, between the confluence of the
Meta and the Cuchivero, where he found many little idols of molten
gold, similar to those which were fabricated at Cauchieto, east of
Coro. He believed this gold to be a product of the granitic soil that
covers the mountainous country between the Carichana, Uruana, and
Cuchivero.
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