I am
perfectly convinced that the Khedive was thoroughly sincere in his
declared purpose of suppressing the slave-trade, not only as a
humanitarian, but as an enlightened man of the world, who knew, from the
example of the great Powers of Europe, that the time had arrived when
civilization demanded the extinction of such horrors as were the
necessary adjuncts of slave-hunting. The Khedive had thus determined to
annex the Nile Basin, and establish his government, which would afford
protection, and open an immense country to the advantages of commerce.
This reform must be the death-blow to the so-called traders of
Khartoum, who were positively the tenants of the governor-general of the
Soudan.
The expedition of the Khedive, launched with admirable determination on
his part, was thus inimical to every local interest, and was in direct
opposition to public opinion. It was therefore a natural consequence
that pressure should be exerted by every interest against the
governor-general of the Soudan. Djiaffer Pacha was an old friend of
mine, for whom I had a great personal regard, and I regretted the false
position in which both he and I were placed. My title and position as
governor-general of Central Africa to a certain extent weakened his
authority.
He had by the force of circumstances, and according to former usages, so
far tolerated the acts of the White Nile traders as to acknowledge them
as contracting parties with his own government. The most important
lessee had no less than ten stations situated within the territory under
my jurisdiction, for which he was paying a large annual rent. I knew,
and the lessee, Achmet Sheik Agad, well knew, that his so-called trade
was simply brigandage. My former travels, as described in "The Albert
N'yanza," had led me behind the curtain, and the traders were well aware
that I knew every secret of their atrocities; thus my reappearance upon
the scene with rank of pacha and major-general, at the head of a small
army, together with the possession of absolute and supreme power, threw
the entire population into a state of consternation. The traders, as
Mohammedans and subjects, trusted to the protection of their own
governor-general. Already I had captured their vessels, imprisoned their
agents, liberated their slaves, and confiscated the ivory, subject to
the decision of the Khedive. Already I had caught the governor himself
(Ali Bey of Fashoda) in the act of kidnapping helpless women and
children, whom I had immediately insisted upon liberating, although I
had no legal jurisdiction in his province. I simply depended upon the
personal support of the Khedive, whose sincerity I never doubted; thus I
acted as I firmly believed the Khedive would have desired me to act
under the circumstances. The Khedive proved that my confidence in his
sincerity was well founded. He at once dismissed from his service and
disgraced the governor of Fashoda. These facts cast shadows of coming
events. The Soudan authorities were compromised; my interference in the
Shillook country was naturally distasteful to the governor-general. Both
the government of the Soudan and the traders at Khartoum perceived that
I should act in strict accordance with the instructions I had received
from the Khedive. There was no hope left, except in delays, that might
render an advance impossible with a heavily-laden fleet through the
obstructions of the river.
It was necessary to modify the terms of the contract entered into
between the governor-general and Sheik Achmet Agad. This trader
represented his case to me as one of considerable injustice, which I was
forced to acknowledge. As a mark of respect to Djiaffer Pacha, who had
originally entered into the contract, I requested him to arrange the
terms of the new agreement together with myself in the public divan. It
was argued by Sheik Achmet Agad that the fact of the government being
established in countries where he had been independent would cause a
great loss to his trade, as it would upset the confidence of the
natives, and they would cease to bring ivory for sale. In reality, this
argument should be interpreted: "If the government is established, there
will be an end to our razzias, and we shall have neither slaves nor
cattle to offer in exchange for ivory."
He also justly argued that "it would be unfair should the government
purchase ivory from countries already leased for trading purposes to the
merchant."
I therefore arranged that, until the expiration of his original
contract, no ivory should be purchased by the government.
Also, that instead of the money payment now annually made to the
government, the rent should be paid in ivory, at the rate of two-fifths
of the amount collected. The ivory was to be delivered and weighed in
Gondokoro, at which place the rent was to be paid to the government in
tusks.
The original contract would expire on April 9, 1872.
My hands were to a certain extent tied by these engagements, but I
resolved that at the expiration of the term I should assume a monopoly
of the ivory trade for the government, on the principle of the fur trade
of the Hudson's Bay Company; as it would be impossible to permit the
acts of the Khartoum traders, who, I was convinced, would never deal
honestly with the natives.
The working representative of Achmet Sheik Agad was his son-in-law - a
man named Abou Saood: I had seen this person when at Tewfikeeyah; he had
arrived in charge of several vessels from Gondokoro during the rainy
season, when the flooded river and strong south wind had allowed the
passage of his boats. At that time he had no slaves on board, but I
subsequently discovered that upon hearing that I had formed a station
near the Soba, he had discharged a large cargo of slaves at the station
of Kutchuk Ali on the Bahr Giraffe, so as to pass Tewfikeeyah in a state
of innocence and purity, and thus save the confiscation of his ivory.
This man was present at the divan when the final agreement was signed by
myself and his principal.
